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GALLERY: 5 Lakh People In Kokrajhar, Assam, Celebrate Historic Bodo Accord

Prime Minister Narendra Modi was addressing his first rally in Assam after the passing of the Citizenship Amendment Act last month.



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Is Meghalaya Witnessing Attempts At Insurgency Revival?

Meghalaya govt and civil society groups need to broaden the political discourse to limit violent identity-based politics,



On June 11, 2020, unidentified miscreants hurled a petrol bomb at the National Highways and Infrastructure Development Corporation

On June 11, 2020, unidentified miscreants set ablaze a vehicle belonging to the District Social Welfare Officer, L. Lyngdoh, at Mawkyrwat in South West Khasi Hills District.

On June 7, 2020, unidentified persons assaulted a NHIDCL engineer, Sujit Kumar Singh, and his driver at Nonglang village in South West Khasi Hills District.

Though all these incidents are under investigation, there is a discernible pattern indicating the likely involvement of Khasi militant group Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC).

On June 3, 2020, HNLC militants shot at and injured a businessman, Dharambir Bansal, at Kyllong Mathei village in the West Khasi Hills District. A day later, Sainkupar Nongtraw, HNLC’s ‘general secretary’ and ‘publicity secretary’ admitted:

“Our organization (HNLC) hereby claims responsibility for yesterday morning shootout at Kyllong Mathei village [in] Shallang. Yesterday’s operation was a warning shot (against one Dharambir Bansal Dharmu)…”

Sainkupar Nongtraw further stated that at this time of novel Coronavirus (COVID-19), thousands of youths have been rendered jobless and added:

“If the so-called businessmen do not provide jobs to our locals then they do not have the right to operate their businesses as they are earning profit and revenue from our Hynniewtrep land.”

HNLC on June 4, 2020, warned all businessmen to pay ‘income tax’ to the outfit or ‘face the consequences’.

Earlier, on February 20, 2020, HNLC had detonated an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) inside a coke factory owned by Dharambir Bansal at Kyllon Mathei village in West Khasi Hills District. Sainkupar Nongtraw had stated:

“We claim responsibility for the IED explosion at Kyllon Mathei Pyndeng Jalong because all these coke factories are benami businesses. These factories are flourishing with the help of local politicians and businessmen. It is an irony that even the employees are all non-locals and our own people are deprived of jobs.”

HNLC had on February 19, 2020, demanded INR 130 million from Dharambir Bansal.

On January 16, 2020, HNLC militants had planted an IED in an under-construction coke plant of M/S Meghalaya Coke at Bther village in East Jaintia Hills District.

Claiming responsibility, Sainkupar Nongtraw had stated:

“On January 16, 2020, HNLC militants had planted an IED in an under-construction coke plant of M/S Meghalaya Coke at Bther village in East Jaintia Hills District.”

Claiming responsibility, Sainkupar Nongtraw had stated:

“After we read in the media about the opposition from three villages and pressure groups to the setting up of the coke plant, we tried to verify the fact. We found out that local traditional heads like the Doloi (traditional chief) of Sutnga Elaka (traditional local administrative unit) and the headmen had used their power to issue a no-objection certificate [NOC] to set up the plant. The HNLC had no option but to plant the IED but its members restrained themselves from exploding the IED as there were people around.”

HNLC was formed in 1992 with the main aim to ‘liberate’ Hynniewtrep (Khasi and Jaintia) from the ‘authoritarian rule’ of the Government of India, protect Khasi and other tribes from exploitation, preserve indigenous culture and fight against any attempt to divide Khasi society.

According to partial data compiled by the South Asia Terrorism Portal here have been a total of 56 HNLC-linked fatalities (16 civilians, nine Security Force, SF, personnel, 30 militants, one unspecified) since March 1, 2000 (data till June 19, 2020).

The peak in terms of fatalities was recorded in the year 2001 when HNLC was found involved in 16 fatalities (nine civilians, five SF personnel, one militant and one unspecified).

Over the past decade and a half, the militant formation lost it prowess almost to the point of oblivion after the group lost a substantial number of cadres, mostly to surrenders or arrests.

According to SATP, since March 1, 2000, SFs have arrested 209 militants (all data till June 19, 2020). Another 176 HNLC militants surrendered during this period, due to sustained SF pressure.

In the latest incident of surrender, on February 12, 2020, the ‘finance secretary’ of HNLC, Wankupar Marwein aka Bahhep Traisiej, surrendered before the State Police in Shillong.

The recent spurt in activities can be linked to the reconstitution of HNLC’s ‘Central Executive Council (CEC)’ on January 2, 2019. The CEC is headed by ‘chairman’ and ‘commander-in-chief’, Bobby Reagan Marwein; ‘general secretary’ and ‘publicity secretary’, Sainkupar Nongtraw; ‘vice-chairman’, Khrawbok Jyrwa; ‘foreign secretary’, Alex Diengdoh; ‘finance secretary’, Wanshan Marwein; ‘organising secretary’, Riewpyrkhat Sun; and ‘socio-cultural secretary’, M. Rynjah.

The HNLC is trying to regain its foothold in the state. For this purpose, it is using extortion to enrich its coffers and is exploring all opportunities to secure public support by exploiting popular sentiments.

Indeed, following the killing of a Khasi Students Union (KSU) activist, identified as Lurshai Hynniewta, on February 28, 2020, HNLC on March 1, 2020, had issued an ultimatum to all the Hindu-Bengalis to leave the Ichamati and Majai areas of Shella in East Khasi Hills within one-month. Sainkupar Nongtraw in a statement had warned,

If they fail to do so by not complying to our ultimatum then we shall not be made responsible in case of any eventuality. This time it shall be mass bloodshed.

Sharing the details of the incident, Meghalaya Police wrote on its Facebook page:

“There was a KSU meeting in Ichamati today [February 28] afternoon. At around 3 pm, after the meeting, clashes broke out between KSU members and local non-tribals of the area. Thereafter, the KSU members burnt a haystack at the edge of the market and attempted to burn a house. The non-tribals retaliated and stoned one bus carrying KSU members. One local taxi which had gone to collect the KSU members from the Ichamati market after the clashes were damaged; one vehicle of the EAC [Extra Assistant Commissioner] J. Umdor, MCS [Meghalaya Civil Service] also got damaged. Four members of KSU were injured, two were sent to Ichamati CHC [Community Health Centre] and released, and two were referred to Sohra CHC. The person driving the local taxi viz Shri Lurshai Hynniewta, 35 years, S/o Late Serkin Nongkyndrih R/o Khliehshnong Sohra, succumbed to his injuries.”

Meanwhile, there are reports of Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA) cadres trying to regroup in the Garo Hills region of the State. South Garo Hills Superintendent of Police Abraham T Sangma told The Shillong Times that Police had received credible information from their sources that GNLA militants, with support from United Liberation Front of Asom-Independent (ULFA-I) cadres and criminal gangs from the neighbouring country, Myanmar, were planning to revive GNLA.

GNLA had been all but decimated on February 24, 2018, when its ‘commander in chief’ Sohan D. Shira was killed in an encounter with commandos of the Meghalaya Special Force-10 at Dobu A’chakpek in East Garo Hills District. Since the formation of GNLA in November 2009, Meghalaya recorded at least 173 militant fatalities, among which 160 were linked to specific militant groups. Of these 160, at least 83 were drawn from GNLA. GNLA linked fatalities were highest in 2012, at 39 (22 civilians, one trooper and 16 militants).

There was a consistent decline in total fatalities after that. Since February 24, 2018, no GNLA linked fatalities were recorded.

There is a need to remain extremely vigilant with regard to the degraded insurgent movements in Meghalaya. The potential for revival, based on a local emotive issue like jobs for locals and preservation of identity, persists.

Apart from dealing with these groups coercively, the State Government and civil society groups need to broaden the political discourse to limit the ascendency of violent identity-based politics, in order to secure an enduring solution to the recurrent cycles of violence.

Disclaimer: The facts and opinions expressed in this article are strictly the personal opinions of the author. League of India does not assume any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, completeness, suitability, or validity of any information in this article.

Published with permission from South Asia Intelligence Review of the South Asia Terrorism Portal.

Giriraj Bhattacharjee

Giriraj Bhattacharjee is a Research Assistant at the Institute for Conflict Management, New Delhi.

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Confluence Of Terror Groups Challenges Manipur’s Peace

It is imperative to heighten vigilance within Manipur and strengthen security along the Indo-Myanmar border.



On July 29, 2020, a joint team of three militant groups – the Manipur-based People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and Manipur Naga People’s Front (MNPF), and the Assam-based United Liberation Front of Asom-Independent (ULFA-I) – killed three Assam Rifles personnel in an ambush at Khongtal village under Chakpikarong Police Station in the Chandel district of Manipur. Another five Security Force (SF) personnel were injured in the attack.

The responsibility for the attack was claimed in a joint statement issued by Ruichumhao, ‘defence secretary’, MNPF; MM Ngouba, ‘chief of army staff’, PLA; and Paresh Asom aka Paresh Baruah, ‘chief of army staff’, ULFA-I. The joint statement mailed by the militants to the media after the attack stated,

Internationally, the era of expansionism is over but not the Indian expansionism. As the entire world has made up its mind against expansionism, the people of WeSEA (Western South East Asia) are also countering against the expansionism of India. Therefore, the peoples of WeSEA are still fighting against the colonial ruler India for our independence.

As a course of the independence struggle against Indian colonisation and expansionism, a combined force of Manipur Naga People’s Front (MNPF), Revolutionary People’s Front (RPF) [political wing of PLA] and United Liberation Front of Asom Independent (ULFA-I) had conducted a joint military offensive at Sajik Tampak area of Manipur.

On July 31, during the wreath-laying ceremony organised by Assam Rifles at Bir Tikendrajit International Airport, Imphal, Manipur, Chief Minister N. Biren Singh warned, “Government will definitely hunt down the perpetrators and book them, as per the law. These terrorist groups will not be compromised with anymore.”

He, nevertheless, appealed to the militant groups operating in and around the region to shun violence and give up their weapons and come out for a political solution.

This is the maiden attack on SFs in Manipur in which ULFA-I has been found to be involved. The group appears to have joined hands with the PLA-MNPF in order to register its presence in the State.

PLA and MNPF, however, have jointly attacked SFs on at least nine occasions in the past, near the Indo-Myanmar boundary. These attacks have resulted in the death of nine persons, including three militants and six SF personnel; six SF personnel were also injured in these attacks. Some of the attacks include:

January 7, 2020: PLA and MNPF militants attacked Assam Rifles personnel at Khongtal village in Chandel District. There was no casualty in this incident.

September 7, 2018: An Assam Rifles trooper and a PLA militant were killed in an encounter at Zouopi area of Chandel District. PLA and MNPF claimed that their cadres conducted the attack

November 15, 2017: PLA and MNPF in a joint ambush attacked two troopers of the Assam Rifles who were part of a road opening party and injured them on the Chamol-Sajir Tampak Road in Chandel District. Later one of them succumbed to his injuries. Two militants were also killed in the incident.

June 30, 2017: MNPF and PLA exploded an Improvised Explosive Device at an Assam Rifles check post, killing a trooper and injuring two others at Ramva in Lambui village of Ukhrul District.

March 11, 2014: PLA militants killed two Assam Rifles personnel at Kambang Khullen in Chandel District.

February 8, 2014: PLA militants killed an Assam Rifles trooper and injured three others near Nambasi village under Chassad Police Station in Ukhrul District.

The PLA and MNPF alliance forged in 2013 has thus been successfully attacking SFs at regular intervals in the bordering areas. The exact date on which this understanding was reached is not known. It is, however, a fact that the MNPF gains both battle experience and funding from the arrangement.

MNPF was formed on June 28, 2013, with the merger of the Manipur Naga Revolutionary Front (MNRF) and United Naga People’s Council (UNPC).

The top leadership of MNPF includes ‘chairman’ John Francis Kashung, ‘defence secretary’ Ahao Jajo, ‘home secretary’ SP Athing and ‘publicity secretary’ Thomas Numai. Since its formation, apart from the combined attacks mentioned above, MNRF has been involved in the killing of one civilian (data till August 2, 2020). During this period, 10 MNRF militants have been arrested by SFs. One incident of arms recovery linked to the outfit has also been reported.

The PLA, one of the oldest and well-connected Valley-based militant groups active in Manipur, appears to have chosen to collaborate with a minor hill-based group to gain the local advantage in the bordering areas of the Hill Districts based on the division of labour.

According to the partial data collected by South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), between March 6, 2000, when SATP started compiling data on conflicts in the Northeast, to July 30, 2020, PLA has been found involved in 224 fatalities (27 civilians, 50 SF personnel and 147 militants). The SF fatalities include the combined attacks with MNPF.

PLA and MNPF have successfully been exploiting the weaknesses of Indo-Myanmar border management to carry out their attacks. Even though the State of Manipur has achieved relative peace in recent years, as reflected in declining fatalities’ data, there remains areas of substantial concern, especially the presence of militants across the Myanmar border.

According to SATP, there were a total of five fatalities in 2020 (data till August 2), nine in 2019 and 23 in 2018.

Lately, Myanmar has woken up to address India’s security concerns. On May 15, 2020, Myanmar handed over 22 militants to India arrested during 2019 operations against Indian Insurgent Groups (IIGs) in Myanmar.

12 of these militants belonged to the Valley-based militant groups – United National Liberation Front (UNLF), seven militants; two militants each of PLA and People’s Revolutionary Army of Kangleipak-Progressive (PREPAK-PRO); and one Kanglei Yowel Kanna Lup (KYKL) militant.

Such cooperation needs to be further deepened as the number of militants present in Myanmar is substantial. Se Gin, the Chairman of the Kuki Youth Network (KYN), a civil society group, confirms the presence of large Valley-based groups in Leshi, Homalin and the border town of Tamu in Sagiang, as well as the Mandalay Division of Myanmar.

Reports also indicate the presence of these militants in the Chin State. The reported breakup of the strength of these militant groups are – UNLF, between 1,300 and 3,000; PLA, between 1,000 and 2,000; KYKL, less than a thousand; and PREPAK, around 40.

Both PLA and MNPF are fighting for the ‘restoration’ of a ‘sovereign’ Manipur and stress on maintaining cordial relations between Hill and Valley residents, thus negating ‘divisive politics’.

Naturally, MNPF and the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak Muivah (NSCN-IM) are on opposite sides, as the latter views itself as the sole group representing Nagas.

On September 12, 2017, suspected NSCN-IM militants attacked and killed five militants belonging to the PLA-MNPF combine at Makan village in Ukhrul District along the Indo-Myanmar border.

PLA and MNPF have tried to capitalise on the fear of ‘demographic change’ in Manipur due to migration from other parts of the country. On November 21, 2019, in a joint PLA-MNPF statement warned,

“…Government of India has been working relentlessly to accommodate their surplus population in Manipur with an intention to reduce the indigenous people to the status of a minority in their own homeland… The Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB) is aimed at enabling illegal immigrants to settle in WeSEA lawfully. CAB is driven by a policy to enable illegal immigrants of India origin to settle in WeSEA in the manner Jewish people settled in Gaza Strip and West Bank…”

Pre-empting any such apprehensions, however, the Union Government has extended the Inner Line Permit (ILP) regime to Manipur, thus excluding the State from the purview of CAB/CAA 2019.

Meanwhile, it is to be noted that Manipur is expected to face the negative fallout of any breakdown of the Government of India (GoI)- NSCN-IM talks. As both ranks and leadership of NSCN-IM are substantially drawn from Manipur, the state could witness an outbreak of significant violence in case the GoI–NSCN-IM talks collapse.

PLA and MNPF, along with ULFA-I, may take advantage of any such situation. It is imperative, therefore, to heighten vigilance within the State and strengthen the security apparatus in areas along the Indo-Myanmar border, as well as to broaden security cooperation and border management with Myanmar to tackle a large number of militants present across the border.

Disclaimer: The facts and opinions expressed in this article are strictly the personal opinions of the author. League of India does not assume any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, completeness, suitability, or validity of any information in this article.

Published with permission from South Asia Intelligence Review of the South Asia Terrorism Portal.

Giriraj Bhattacharjee

Giriraj Bhattacharjee is a Research Assistant at the Institute for Conflict Management, New Delhi.

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Assam: Proxy Insurgency In The Hills

The peace talks with Naga groups, including NSCN-IM, need to be expedited.



On May 20, 2020, the Dimasa Students Union (DSU), All Dimasa Students Union (ADSU), and Dimasa Mothers Association (DMA) began a three-day sit-in demonstration in front of the Dima Hasao Deputy Commissioner’s Office, demanding a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) inquiry into the abduction and murder of former Dima Halim Daogah-Nunisa (DHD-N) leader Santosh Hojai by unidentified assailants on April 24, 2020. The sit-in-demonstration concluded on May 22, 2020, with the submission of a memorandum of demands to Chief Minister Sarbananda Sonowal through Deputy Commissioner Paul Baruah. Apart from the CBI enquiry, other demands included the immediate arrest of the culprits, compensation to the family of the deceased and justice.

Earlier, on May 14, 2020, a 36-hour-long Dima Hasao bandh (shutdown strike)called by the Halali Progressive Welfare Society (HPWS)against the abduction and murder of Santosh Hojai led to deserted streets in the District. HPWS’ formationwas initially announced in the form of Halali Progressive Group and formally launched at the official disbanding ceremony of DHD-N. Dilip Nunisa, former ‘chairman’of DHD-N has been the ‘president of the HPWS since its inception. DHD-N was dissolved on March 9, 2013.

Significantly, unidentified persons abducted Santosh Hojai from his house in Damadi Hawar village under Harangajao Police Station in Dima Hasao District on April 24, 2020. His body was later recovered from the Langting area of the District on April 30.

The ongoing protest in the District can disrupt the peace established in the District established since 2010. DSU ‘general secretary’ Pramith Sengyung, warned, on May 1, 2020:

Kidnapping and killing of an innocent person like Hojai, who was a businessman, a father of three and a former DHD leader, can destabilise peace in the district.

Meanwhile, former DHD-N militants as well as the family members of the deceased blame a local Police official for the killing. The HPWS’president’, Dilip Nunisa, asserted:

It (the bandh) is in protest against the kidnapping and killing of Santosh Hojai former DHD cadre, businessman, and social worker. What happened to him is condemnable. His wife registered a case at the Harangajao Police Station but the accused Surya Kanta Morang [Deputy Superintendent of Police posted in the District] has not been arrested.

Two officials of the Dima Hasao District – Superintendent of Police (SP) Bir Bikram Gogoi, and Deputy SP (DySP) Surya Kanta Morang -have since been transferred by the Government to other units outside the District. On May 4, 2020, the Gauhati High Court, while hearing the petition of Santosh Hojai’s wife Jayanta Hojai, constituted a Special Investigating Team (SIT) headed by the Deputy Inspector General-Southern Range (DIG-SR) Dilip Kumar Dey to probe the incident.

In the meantime, Police have questioned Kanchan Naiding, a militant of Dimasa National Liberation Army (DNLA), a nascent militant outfit active in Dima Hasao and Karbi Anglong Districts, in connection with the case. No further update on DNLA’s involvement in the killing is available.

Previously, on April 24, 2020, a joint team of the Assam Police and Indian Army units (Military Intelligence and Para Special Forces) killed two DNLA militants, identified as ‘2nd Lieutenant’ Gadayeng Dimasa aka Rupson Thousan (32) and ‘Area commander’ Elwin Jidung (31), at Dugoidisa village in Misibailam under the Dhansiri Police Outpost in the Karbi Anglong District. An M-16 and an AK-47 assault rifle were recovered from the slain cadres. Another DNLA cadre, Devlin Hojai, managed to escape from the encounter site, according to sources.

On April 23, 2020, DNLA threatened to stop coal mining in Karbi Anglong and Dima Hasao Districts. In a release to the media, DNLA warned, “if anyone defies, there will be no mercy and action will be taken.”

On February 27, 2020, suspected DNLA militants opened fire at a vehicle belonging to a road construction company in the Mailoo area under Langting Police Station in Dima Hasao District. However, there was no report of any casualty in the incident. A worker of the road construction company said that the armed militants took them to a jungle area and told them to ask the owner of the company to give ransom money.

On January 25, 2020, DNLA called a 24-hour bandh in the Dima Hasao and Karbi Anglong District of Assam to commemorate ‘Dimasa Martyrs Day’. On January 25, 2018, two protestors belonging to the Dimasa community, Probanta Hakmaosa and Mithun Dibragede, were killed at Maibang Railway Station in Dima Hasao Districtwhile protesting against the Naga Framework Agreement .

DNLA announced its formation on April 15, 2019. According to partial data compiled by the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), since its formation, DNLA has been found involved in six incidents of terrorism (data till May 24, 2020). These include one incident of killing which resulted in the death of two DNLA militants.

DNLA is led by its ‘chairman’ Naisodao Dimasa. Other prominent leaders include ‘army chief’, Gajaw Dimasa; ‘information Secretary’, Ringsmai Dimasa; and ‘home secretary’, Kharmindao Dimasa. A militant, Babu Hojai, who surrendered on September 17, 2019, claimed that DNLA had a cadre strength of 90 militants.

Though the DNLA calls itself an armed organisation of the Dimasa tribe fighting to establish a ‘sovereign Dimasa Homeland’ in areas supposedly comprising the Dimasa inhabited areas of Karbi Anglong, and Dima Hasao Districts, it is widely believed that it is a creation of the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak Muivah (NSCN-IM) with the objective of establishing a ‘proxy insurgency’ in the Hill Districts of Assam. DNLA’s creation helps fill the vacuum in local insurgent activities in the Hill Districts created by the disbanding of various factions of DHD.

Reports also point out that a section of the NSCN-IM leadership led by Phungting Shimrang (the former ‘commander-in-chief’ of the Naga army) and ‘Brigadier’ Chiphemi Shimrang had helped in the formation of DNLA. Both these Naga insurgent leaders are now believed to be in China.

DNLA has also admitted the role of NSCN-IM. DNLA’s ‘training instructor’ Betsing Jidung aka Master Dimasa aka John Dimasa disclosed, after his arrest on August 13, 2019, that NSCN-IM had raised, trained, armed and sheltered their cadres, but that it did not do this for free. DNLA had to buy their weapons: INR 150,000 per AK-47 type rifle and between INR 250,000 to INR 300,000 each for a US-made M16, M4 rifle. Also, DNLA ‘army chief’ Minom Phonglosa aka Gajaw Dimasa, revealed that he had a meeting with NSCN-IM ‘Brigadier’ Chiphemi Shimrang near the outfit’s Hebron Camp in Dimapur District, Nagaland. Shimrang asked Phonglosa to target Security Forces (SFs) using high grade explosives like Research and Development Explosives (RDX) and Tri-Nitro-Toluene (TNT).

In fact, reports indicate that NSCN-IM and DNLA have operated together at least once. The then Dima Hasao, SP, Bir Bikram Gogoi, had disclosed that, according to inputs, a joint team of DNLA and NSCN-IM was behind the February 26, 2020attack (above).

An immediate reason for NSCN-IM’s help for setting up of a Dimasa militant formation is likely to put pressure on the Government to restart the stalled Naga peace talks .Although, the NSCN-IM and the Government of India (GoI) on October 30, 2019 had agreed to sign a peace agreement within the parameters of the 2015 Framework Agreement , issues of a separate constitution and flag have not been resolved.

NSCN-IM’s cold calculations from a military strategic point of view will be to fan a possible rise in violence and ethnic tensions in the sparsely populated Hill Districts of Assam with new armed groups, giving the Naga insurgent group more room to manoeuvre. It is pertinent to recall here that all the major militant formations that were once active in Assam’s tribal dominated Hill Districts have signed Memoranda of Understanding (MoU) or Suspension of Operation (SoO) Agreements with the Government.

NSCN-IM had earlier  also facilitated the emergence of new militant groups in this region. These included the Rengma Naga Hills Protection Force (RNHPF). RNHPF was formed with the help of NSCN-IM to protect the ‘interests’ of the Rengma Naga people living in Karbi Anglong. The formation of several other groups that operated in the region was also supported by NSCN-IM. Prominent among these were Black Widow (BW), Hill Tiger Force (HTF),and Dimasa National Revolutionary Front (DNRF).

SFs have proactively tracked the DNLA since its formation. In a significant achievement, on January 30, 2020, SFs arrestedDNLA ‘army chief’ Minom Phonglosa from Hatuka Forest in the Karbi Anglong District. However, other major figures of the group -‘chairman’ Naisodao Dimasa and ‘home secretary’Kharmindao Dimasa,remain elusive.

The containment of DNLA activities in the Hill Districts is crucial to ensure that the peace established as a result of the disbanding of DHD factions is not derailed. Further, the peace talks with Naga groups, including NSCN-IM, need to be expedited, even as strict action against errant elements is taken, so that the new armed formations are not incubated, and incipient groups do not get logistical and material support once formed.

Disclaimer: The facts and opinions expressed in this article are strictly the personal opinions of the author. League of India does not assume any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, completeness, suitability, or validity of any information in this article.

Published with permission from South Asia Intelligence Review of the South Asia Terrorism Portal.

Giriraj Bhattacharjee

Giriraj Bhattacharjee is a Research Assistant at the Institute for Conflict Management, New Delhi.

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