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Bhopal 1984: An Industrial And Political Crime Against Humanity

Thousands died and several thousand others were left handicapped by a gas leak on the intervening night of December 2-3, 1984.



BHOPAL (Madhya Pradesh): Thousands of survivors of the Bhopal gas tragedy — known as the world’s worst industrial disaster — continue to face appalling lack of healthcare facilities, activists said on December 2. The statement came on the eve of the incident’s 35th anniversary.

The activists said the “neglect” of the Bhopal Memorial Hospital and Research Centre (BMHRC), set up especially for the survivors, was a testimony to the suffering undergone by them over the last 35 years.

Bhopal Gas Tragedy is also known as the Bhopal Disaster in which thousands of people lost their lives.

At around midnight, the chemical reaction started in the Union Carbide (India) Limited factory that culminated in the leakage of deadly Methyl Isocyanate (MIC) gas from one of the tanks of the factory.

As a result, a cloud of gas gradually started descending and enveloping the city in its lethal folds. And the city and lakes turned into a gas chamber.

It was estimated that 40 tonnes of Methyl Isocyanate (MIC) gas leakage took place with some other toxic chemicals from the Union Carbide Factory.

Methyl Isocyanate (MIC) is a chemical that is used in the manufacture of polyurethane foam, pesticides, and plastics. It is handled in liquid form which can be easily burned and explosive. It evaporates quickly in the air and has a strong odour. Its molecular formula is CH3NCO or C2H3NO and its molecular weight is approx. 57.05 g/mol. It is used in the production of pesticides, polyurethane foam, and plastics.

If the concentration of the toxic gas in the air touches 21 ppm (parts per million) then after inhaling it can cause death within minutes. On that day in Bhopal, the level was multiple times higher than that.

Within three days of the leak, thousands of people were found dead primarily due to severe health complications ranging from pulmonary oedema to fatty degeneration of the liver.

As per official data, the leakage of the MIC took place from the Plant Number C. For cooling the plant, methyl isocyanate gas was mixed with water. It led to the generation of volumes of gases and as a result, put tremendous pressure on tank Number 610.  Finally, the pressure of the gas increases and released tonnes of the poisonous gas and diffused a large number of areas. It is said that approximately 5 lakhs people were exposed to the leakage of MIC.

Bhopal’s population in 1984 was around 8.5 lakhs. More than half of the population on the morning after a leakage at midnight were coughing, complaining about itchiness in eyes, skin and were facing breathing problems.

Some people suffered from pneumonia, internal haemorrhage, and death. Even, the people living in villages and slums in the neighbouring areas were affected most.

As with any other city in the world, Bhopal healthcare system did not have the capacity to accommodate half of the city population at one go.

People were not able to breathe and doctors who did not know about the factory gas leak were finding it difficult initially to understand why people are facing so many difficulties.

Also, the doctors had no experience in dealing with the industrial disaster. Doctors were not aware of the symptoms of MIC exposure. It was reported that two government hospitals of Bhopal treated approximately 50,000 patients in two days after the MIC leakage.

The lungs, brain, eyes, muscles, as well as gastrointestinal, neurological, reproductive and immune systems of those who survived, were severely affected.

Dead bodies of humans and animals blocked the street, leaves of the plant turned black and the smell of burning chilli peppers lingered in the air.

Growing foetuses were getting either aborted or severely affected. Fertility in both men and women was affected in one stroke.

Even after months, traces of several toxins were found in the breast milk of mothers and were transmitted to the babies.

After the disaster, the neonatal mortality rate increased by 200% and the stillbirth rate by 300%.

Moreover, even the next generation of children born in the affected areas had twisted arms and legs, extra limbs or body parts, musculoskeletal disorders, brain damage and underweight issues. Some people continue to suffer from chronic health conditions to this day.


Amid all the debates, many people have, unfortunately, forgotten about the 360 tonnes of highly toxic, hazardous waste lying around at the abandoned site of UCIL. Despite numerous steps from the government and protests and litigations by many activists, a permanent solution to the waste problem remains elusive.

The toxic materials on the premises of UCIL continue to pollute soil and groundwater of Bhopal.

Since 2005, the government has considered three different places in India, including Ankleshwar in Gujarat, Nagpur in Maharashtra and Pithampur in Madhya Pradesh for the incineration of packed toxic waste, but could not go ahead because of the strong opposition by the local community.

In 2012, a proposal was made by Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) to airlift the waste to Germany for incineration, but it was later withdrawn.

Even as the authorities struggle to find a permanent solution to the toxic menace, the waste materials at UCIL serve as a constant reminder of the worst industrial disaster known to humankind.

Believe It Or Not, The Congress Govt Of Madhya Pradesh Awarded Another Contract To The Company Soon After The Disaster:

Despite the massive disaster, Union Carbide was not considered a pariah in the government corridors. A civil society group, International Coalition For Justice in Bhopal (ICJIB), formed in Australia for justice to gas victims had accused the Rajiv Gandhi government of entering into commercial transactions with Union Carbide ignoring the suffering of victims.

In a letter, dated 3 December, 1986, the ICJIB said, “It is reported that in 1985, after the occurrence of the Bhopal disaster, Union Carbide India Limited (UCIL) was awarded a Rs 100 million (approximately $8 million) contract by the Madhya Pradesh government for the manufacture/distribution of condoms.”

The letter triggered an emergency meeting in the PMO to discuss the allegations. The internal note dated February 9, 1987, and signed by Chaubey admitted that UCIL was indeed doing business in India after Bhopal disaster but the contract was signed prior to the tragedy.

A day later, GK Arora, then additional secretary in the PMO, told the officials that they need to explore options to move UCIL share in condom distribution to some other firms.

“The arrangement existing between the Ministry of Health and the Union Carbide for social marketing of contraceptives should be examined afresh. Efforts should be made to get some other companies including multi-nationals such as Hindustan Lever, ITC, etc, to pick up UCIL’s share,” GK Arora wrote.

How Warren Anderson Escaped From India With Rajiv Gandhi’s Help:

Several Indian and global reports and accounts have suggested that the government of the prime minister of India Rajiv Gandhi was pressured by the US to let Anderson go.

Rajiv Gandhi Freed Warren Anderson: DECLASSIFIED CIA REPORT

Warren Anderson, former chairman of the American parent company Union Carbide Corp responsible for the 1984 Bhopal gas tragedy, was released after being arrested on December 7 that year on the Central government’s orders to Madhya Pradesh.

This fact about the gas tragedy has emerged from declassified CIA documents dated 8 December 1984: a day after Anderson left India and five days after the deadly methyl isocyanate (MIC) gas leaked from Union Carbide’s Bhopal plant.

The documents show Anderson’s quick release was ordered by the Central government of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. With elections weeks away, the Centre felt the Madhya Pradesh government was overly eager to score political points against Union Carbide. The Centre felt that public pressure after the gas tragedy would force a new government to move cautiously in developing foreign investment with multinationals, especially US companies.

The documents say that with elections nearing, politicians at the state and Centre were trying to deflect blame from themselves to UCIL (Union Carbide India Ltd.) and wring compensation from the parent company.

Moti Singh, who was the District Collector of Bhopal at the time of the gas leak, has said that Anderson was arrested at around 2 pm on December 7 but he was released the same day and flew out of Bhopal in a state government plane to New Delhi.

Singh claims the then Chief Secretary of the state government ordered him to release Anderson.

Congress leader Arjun Singh, who was Chief Minister Madhya Pradesh in 1984, is believed to have ordered his officials to release Anderson as a part of “only implementing” the Centre’s instructions in the gas leak case. 

Anderson was charged with culpable homicide not amounting to murder, grievous assault and killing and poisoning human beings and animals. A Bhopal trial court convicted eight Indian officials of Union Carbide for their criminal negligence that triggered the world’s worst industrial disaster, but Anderson was not mentioned in the judgment.

Moti Singh, who was the Bhopal collector at the time of Bhopal Gas Tragedy said, “Had we removed the landline phone from his room, Anderson would not have escaped. He possibly made calls to contacts in the US to help him leave India.” According to various reports, the Indian government came under the pressure of the US government and allowed Anderson to escape.

Swaraj Puri, Bhopal’s Superintendent of Police in 1984 claimed, “We arrested him on the basis of a written order but released him on an oral order.” He further added that the oral order came “from higher-ups”.

One of the reasons attributed to Rajiv Gandhi’s soft attitude towards Anderson is “Quid pro quo“.

In 2015 during Monsoon Session, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj made a mention of a little-known name called Adil Shahryar. Adil Shahryar was the son of Rajiv Gandhi’s friend. Shahryar was a childhood friend of the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.

In the early 80s, Adil Shahryar had a company called Caribbean International Investment Corporation, which had signed a deal with Shapton Producers to supply video cassettes. Instead, he supplied scrap paper. Shahryar had fallen out with the suppliers and had later attempted to set fire to his hotel room. He was taken to custody in Miami in 1981. He was charged with defrauding shipping authorities, American Express International Banking Corporation, he was also charged with use of a firearm. As a result, he was sentenced to 35 years in jail by the US fed court.

In June 1985, Ronald Reagan administration in the United States granted a presidential pardon to Adil Shahryar. Reagan commuted the sentence of 13 people in prison; also important is the fact that Reagan signed the clemency papers of Adil on June 11, 1985; incidentally, it’s the day when Rajiv landed in Washington. Rajiv secured the release of Adil Shahryar in exchange for the gesture of releasing Anderson earlier. A quid pro? It’s to be noted that Rajiv was vocal in saying that “Adil was wrongly imprisoned”.

Sushma Swaraj taunted Rahul Gandhi to ask his mother, “Mumma, Mumma, how my father released the murderer of 15,000 people,” and later on referred to Arjun Singh’s biography in which he wrote about Rajiv Gandhi whispering in his ear to allow Anderson to go and that what he was told will always remain secret and vanish with his death (Mere saath chita me bhasm ho jayega).

Sushma Swaraj said that the secret, however, came out after six months. Swaraj further said that former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi allowed safe passage to Union Carbide chief Warren Anderson in a “quid pro quo” to secure the release of his childhood friend Adil Shahryar.

Netaji historian Anuj Dhar draws our attention as to why Gandhi allowed Anderson to go. He writes that Muhammad Yunus was a close confidant of Nehru and knew details about the Bose case. Read him here (takes you to an external site) about the issue:

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Bangladeshi Terror Group JMB Failing To Make Inroads In India

The SFs have so far been able to thwart all attempts by JMB to make any major inroads in India.



On May 29, 2020, Abdul Karim, a top leader of the Bangladesh-based terror group, Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen (JMB), was arrested from Jangipuar in the Murshidabad District of West Bengal in India. “He is one of the top JMB operatives in India. We had been looking for him for quite some time,” an unnamed Police officer stated.

Karim was reportedly involved in a case relating to recovery and explosion of an improvised explosive device (IED) near Kalachakra Maidan in Bodhgaya in the Gaya District of Bihar on January 19, 2018. The National Investigation Agency (NIA), which registered the case on February 3, 2018, filed a charge sheet on September 27, 2018, against three accused. In the supplementary charge sheet filed on January 28, 2019, the NIA included the names of another five accused, including Karim.

Investigation in the case by the NIA have revealed:

…accused formed a terrorist gang and hatched a conspiracy to carry out the incident of planting the IEDs in Bodhgaya temple complex and other symbols of the Buddhist faith. The motive was to attack symbols of Buddhism in retaliation to the alleged atrocities committed on the Rohingyas in Myanmar and to overawe the Government of India by the terrorist act.

A JMB militant was arrested on March 18, 2020, from Raghna village in North Tripura district in Tripura. The arrestee was identified as Abdul Malik. Police stated that “during preliminary interrogation by the police and intelligence officials, the JMB cadre confessed that he is a Bangladeshi national and settled in India with fake documents.”

According to partial data compiled by the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), since the October 2, 2014, Burdwan Blast, the Security Forces (SFs) have arrested at least 96 JMB cadres in 62 incidents of arrest from across India. 11 JMB cadres were arrested (six incidents) in 2014, 19 (13 incidents) in 2015, 27 (12 incidents) in 2016, one (one incident) in 2017, eight (six incidents) in 2018, 28 (22 incidents) in 2019, and two (two incidents) in 2020 (data till May 29, 2020).

The JMB came under the scanner of India’s security establishment more prominently subsequent to the October 2, 2014, blast in a rented house at Khagragarh in Burdwan in West Bengal. Two persons were killed and another was injured in the incident. It was found that those killed and injured and others who were present in the house were JMB cadres.

A case was registered by the Burdwan Police on the same day. The NIA took over the case on October 10, 2014. So far it has filed one charge sheet and three supplementary charge sheets against a total of 22 persons in the case. The NIA investigations, inter alia, have also revealed that

The members of JMB had established a network of terrorist training camps at selected Madrasas and other hideouts in India where selected Muslim youths were indoctrinated into violent Jihadi ideology and trained for violent action by using explosives/IEDs and firearms.

This was undertaken with the larger objectives of subverting a section of the vulnerable Indian population, exploiting their common religious and linguistic identities across the border, in Indian states and districts bordering Bangladesh, to join the JMB and utilise them for their movement to overthrow the existing democratically elected Government in Bangladesh and to establish a hard-line Sharia-based Islamic rule in Bangladesh.

The NIA took over three JMB-linked cases in 2019. These include:

  • Bengaluru (Karnataka) JMB Module Case: Five improvised hand grenades, three fabricated grenade caps, three circuits of improvised explosive devices (IEDs), one-timer device, two rocket bends, one rocket body, one 9mm bullet, and various other incriminating materials used in the fabrication of hand grenades/IEDs, were recovered from a place rented by JMB cadres in the Chikkabanawara area of Bengaluru in Karnataka on July 7, 2019. A case was registered by the local police on the same day. The NIA took over the case on July 29, 2019.
  • Tripura JMB Case: On March 6, 2019, a JMB cadre identified as Najir Sheikh aka Patla Anas, was arrested from West Tripura District. A case was filed by the Police on the same day. The NIA took over the case on March 22, 2019.
  • Recovery of Arms at PS Barpeta, Assam: On July 30, 2019, seven JMB militants who were associated with Sahanur Alam aka Md. Sahanur Alom (charge-sheeted accused in the Burdwan Blast Case) were arrested from Barpeta District in Assam. The local police registered the case on the same day. The NIA took over the case on December 21, 2019.
    On April 3, 2020, the NIA filed its first supplementary charge sheet in the Barpeta case. According to an NIA release:

An investigation has revealed that the accused persons have undergone training as JMB cadres in Barpeta at the house of Sahanur Alom and some of the accused were also trained at Simulia Madrasa in West Bengal. Accused persons procured weapons and ammunitions in a conspiracy to commit terrorist acts in pursuance of the Jehadi Ideology of JMB.

Earlier, on January 1, 2020, the NIA had filed the charge sheet in the case.

In between, on February 18, 2020, the NIA filed a charge sheet in the Bengaluru (Karnataka) JMB Module Case. In a release dated February 18, 2020, the NIA stated,

Today, NIA filed a charge-sheet against eleven accused… Investigation revealed that A-1 to A-12 being members of JMB, a proscribed terrorist organization were involved in a criminal conspiracy to commit terrorist acts or preparation thereof, raising funds by committing dacoities for their terrorist activities, organising terrorist camps, recruiting persons for committing terrorist activities, harbouring group members, procurement of explosive and ammunition for anti-national activities.

A further investigation against absconding accused B.D. Arif @ Nasim (A-4) and other suspects whose names surfaced during investigation continues u/s 173(8) of CrPC.

Since 2014, JMB has been making all efforts to create trouble in India has become more relentless in its approach in recent years. Concerned over these developments, the Government of India banned JMB in May 2019. A press release dated May 24, 2019, stated,

The Central Government vide notification dated 23rd May 23, 2019, has banned the Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh or Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen India or Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Hindustan and all its manifestations under clause (a) of sub-section (1) of section 35 of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 with immediate effect.

The notification states that the Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh and its formations like Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen India or Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Hindustan and their manifestations have committed acts of terrorism, promoted acts of terrorism and have been engaged in radicalisation and recruitment of youth(s) for terrorist activities in India.

According to the notification, the JMB had plans for

…making permanent bases within 10-kilometres, along the India-Bangladesh border in the districts of states of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura and of spreading its network in South India with an overarching motive to establish Caliphate in the Indian subcontinent.

Later, on October 12, 2019, raising concern over the outfit’s activities in India, NIA chief Y.C. Modi said JMB had spread its activities in Jharkhand, Bihar, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Kerala as well, in the guise of Bangladeshi immigrants, adding, “The NIA has shared with states concerned a list of 125 suspected activists who have close links with the JMB leadership.”

On the same day, Alok Mittal, Inspector General, NIA, disclosed that JMB had started its activities in India, first in 2007, initially in West Bengal and Assam, and then in other parts of the country. He added, further, that from 2014 to 2018, JMB had set up 20-22 hideouts in Bengaluru and tried to spread its bases in South India.

The SFs have so far been able to thwart all attempts by JMB to make any major inroads in India. However, continuing efforts will be needed on the ground to destroy the remaining active cells of the group, to ensure that it fails in its efforts to cause disruption in India at any point in the future.

Disclaimer: The facts and opinions expressed in this article are strictly the personal opinions of the author. League of India does not assume any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, completeness, suitability, or validity of any information in this article.

Published with permission from South Asia Intelligence Review of the South Asia Terrorism Portal.

Ajit Kumar Singh

Dr Ajit Kumar Singh is a Research Fellow at the Institute for Conflict Management and is involved in research on conflicts in South Asia. After completing his M.Phil. on "Emergence of Afghanistan as Buffer between Tsarist Russia and British Indian Empire (19th Century)", from JNU, New Delhi, he was awarded Ph.D. on "The Ethnic Conflict and State Structure in Afghanistan: 1989-2001".

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Jharkhand Gradually Breaking The PLFI Grip

The PLFI is a splinter group of the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist).



On May 28, 2020, three People’s Liberation Front of India (PLFI) cadres, including a woman, were killed during an encounter with Security Forces (SFs) in the hilly terrain of Manmaru forest within the Tebo Police Station limits in West Singhbhum District. The slain cadres were identified as Patras (40), Dadu Nag aka Champa da (30) and his 26-year-old wife (name not available).

Rajiv Ranjan Singh, Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police, Kolhan range, disclosed, “An unidentified cadre who sustained injuries in the gunfight has been admitted to the government hospital in Chakradharpur while a fifth rebel, identified as Manoj, has been arrested.”

SFs also recovered one AK-47 rifle, live cartridges, explosives and Naxal [Left Wing Extremism, LWE] literature from the encounter site.

The PLFI is a splinter group of the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist).

On May 17, 2020, a PLFI cadre was killed in an exchange of fire with SFs in a forested area near Benduchuan village in the Jaldega Police Station limits in Simdega District. The identity of the slain cadre is yet to be ascertained.

Sanjeev Kumar, Superintendent of Police (SP), stated, “One PLFI cadre has been gunned down by the STF while another member of the group, who claims himself as ‘area commander’ of Bano area in Simdega, Praveen Kandulna, has received serious bullet injuries and has been rushed to the hospital.” Police added that five other cadres were also arrested. Their identities are being ascertained. A huge cache of arms and ammunition was also recovered.

On May 6, 2020, a tribal woman, Vinita Oraon, killed a PLFI ‘area commander’, identified as Basant Gope, in a bid to protect her family from a group of rebels at Brinda village in Gumla District. According to the Police, as many as six armed PLFI leaders barged into Oraon’s house and reportedly started manhandling members of her family. Vinita attacked them with a sickle in an act of self-defence. The rebels fled after one of them – the deceased ‘area commander’– sustained injuries. SP Hrudeep P. Janardhanan later disclosed, “The insurgent, who was stabbed, sustained severe injuries. We found his body at a nearby forest during search operations.”

SFs in the state have eliminated another four PLFI cadres in the current year (data till May 31, 2020). During the corresponding period of 2019, SFs had eliminated at least 10 PLFI cadres. No other PLFI cadre was killed by the SFs during the remaining period of 2019.

Significantly, at least 55 PLFI cadres have been eliminated in the State by SFs since 2007, when PLFI was formed. During this period, another 16 PLFI cadres were killed by the Maoists in six fratricidal clashes.

Further, 18 PLFI cadres were killed by civilians in nine incidents. Thus, the PLFI has a lost a total of 89 cadres during this period. At least 533 PLFI cadres have been arrested since 2007, including 10 in the current year. 30 PLFI cadres have surrendered since the formation of the group.

The PLFI was formed in 2007 Reports indicate that Dinesh Gope, founder and current ‘chief’ of the outfit, a renegade Border Security Force (BSF) trooper, was the younger brother of Suresh Gope, a petty criminal who operated in areas around Ranchi. Suresh had a rivalry with another gangster, Jayanath Sahu aka Samrat, principally over collecting ‘levies’ (extortion revenues) and expanding turf. Suresh was killed in an encounter with the Jharkhand Police on December 22, 2003, when he had gone to collect ‘levy’. Dinesh took charge of the gang and worked to extend its area of operation. The gang was initially named the Jharkhand Liberation Tigers (JLT) in September 2004. Later, in July 2007, Masih Charan Purti aka Masih Charan Munda, a renegade senior CPI-Maoist ‘commander’, defected with several of his ‘followers’ and joined Dinesh Gope. While Masih was being hunted by the Maoists, Dinesh was looking for ways to out-gun Jayanath due to the continued rivalry. It was a win-win proposition and Masih Charan and Dinesh joined hands to create PLFI. Masih Charan created the rudimentary structure of the outfit, even as PLFI declared itself a sworn enemy of CPI-Maoist. Though Masih Charan was arrested a year later, in 2008, PLFI continued to grow under Dinesh’s leadership. Other Maoist cadres who walked out of the parent outfit also joined the group.

The armed strength of the group, according to estimates, has fluctuated between 150 to 300 cadres depending on SF pressure. According to an August 19, 2013, report, Jharkhand State Police under its ‘PLFI Action Plan’, had conducted a survey on the cadre strength of the outfit, and found that there were 264 PLFI cadres across Jharkhand – 82 in Ranchi, 55 in Khunti, 44 in Simdega, 44 in Chatra, 17 in Gumla, 14 in Palamu, five in Lohardaga and three in Latehar Districts. No subsequent official figures are available regarding current strength. Compounding the problem is the fact that virtually all petty criminals operating in the area project themselves as PLFI cadres. The outfit functions through several ‘area commanders’ across an area of operation principally extending across Ranchi, Khunti, Simdega, Gumla, Latehar, Chatra and Palamu.

In the meanwhile, Masih Charan fought the 2009 Assembly Elections from jail and thereon followed his political path, consolidating links with the mafia and politicians. Though he ended a runner up in the elections, his influence has slowly increased, as money power attracted cadres as well as political patronage. The backing of the mafia purchased a measure of Police complicity, making PLFI the most prominent extremist group in Khunti and the adjoining region. Unemployed youth were lured into the group with the promise of easy money. As SAIR noted earlier, “the State Government has also been instrumental in sustaining PLFI during its initial days, using it to counter the CPI-Maoist. However, the strategy backfired and PLFI became one of the major LWE groups in the State.”

PLFI gradually became the second-largest LWE group in Jharkhand, after CPI-Maoist. 19 Maoist splinter groups have been active in the State, each of which had broken away from the CPI-Maoist and formed independent gangs with purportedly different ideologies and purposes. Some of the other prominent splinter groups include Tritiya Prastuti Committee (TPC), Jharkhand Jan Mukti Parishad (JJMP), Jharkhand Sangharsh Jan Mukti Morcha (JSJMM), Jharkhand Prastuti Committee (JPC), and Tritiya Prastuti Committee-1 (TPC-1), a breakaway group of TPC. PLFI is among the largest CPI-Maoist splinters in Jharkhand.

With time, PLFI’s extortion network and activities also extended into Odisha, particularly in the Sundargarh District bordering Jharkhand. On July 8, 2012, for instance, PLFI cadres shot dead Hardeep Singh, a block-level politician of the ruling Biju Janata Dal (BJD), in Sundargarh. Further, the Jashpur District in Chhattisgarh, bordering the Simdega District of Jharkhand, has also witnessed PLFI activities. The group has been banned in Chhattisgarh since May 26, 2012. Commenting on the PLFI’s style of functioning, former Jharkhand Police spokesperson S. N. Pradhan stated, on August 7, 2013, “PLFI is a purely money-minting gang with no ideology or fundamentals.”

However, the outfit’s ‘operational capacity’ in the State has suffered during the last few years due to SF operational successes on the ground. In eight years between 2007 and 2014, the outfit lost 42 cadres, i.e. 5.25 cadres per year. Over the succeeding five years and more since 2015, it has lost 47 cadres, more than half of the total fatalities suffered by it, i.e. 8.54 fatalities per year. While these numbers seem low, the losses have been devastating for what is essentially a small criminal gang.

On the other hand, between 2007 and 2014, the outfit killed 79 civilians, i.e. 9.87 civilians per year.  Since 2015, it has killed 27 civilians, i.e. 4.90 civilians per year.

The PLFI is currently involved in efforts to regain strength and relentlessly enrich its coffers through extortion. On February 15, 2020, the National Investigation Agency (NIA) in a press release stated that it had filed the first charge sheet filed in the case against the PLFI (RC-13/19/NIA/DLI) on February 14, 2020. The release noted:

An investigation has revealed that the above charge-sheeted accused operatives of PLFI used to extort levy from the contractors of governmental development projects and transporters. Further, they acquired foreign-made arms and ammunitions illegally which were used to intimidate the contractors and businessmen for committing extortion. Levies collected from them were not only used for terror activities of PLFI but also for acquiring immovable properties by their members.

The case pertains to an incident on December 3, 2018, in which PLFI cadres had gathered in the Titir Mahua Forest area of Balubhang in Latehar District and were conspiring to conduct unlawful activities. On the basis of credible information, a raid was conducted and four accused were arrested along with foreign-made arms and ammunition. The case was first registered by the local police on the same day, and by NIA on February 26, 2019.

Earlier, on October 22, 2019, an NIA press release stated that it had filed another charge sheet (RC- 02/2018/NIA/DLI) on October 21. The release noted that during investigation it was established that a criminal conspiracy was hatched relating to channelizing of the extorted levy amount collected from the contractors/businessmen engaged in the developmental projects in Jharkhand and investing these funds into dubious shell companies formed with the partnership of PLFI associates and family members of Dinesh Gope. INR 2.5 million in cash which was being deposited in State Bank of India (SBI), Branch Bero, Ranchi had been seized by the Police on November 10, 2016. A case was registered by the local Police on the same day, and by NIA on January 19, 2018.

As PLFI is primarily a criminal group, it deliberately avoids direct engagement with the SFs, but continues with its criminal activities and efforts to extend influence and areas of operation.

Indeed, PLFI’s areas of operation are among the country’s worst crime afflicted Districts. It is, consequently, imperative that the momentum of SF operations is maintained, till this group is entirely neutralized.

Disclaimer: The facts and opinions expressed in this article are strictly the personal opinions of the author. League of India does not assume any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, completeness, suitability, or validity of any information in this article.

Published with permission from South Asia Intelligence Review of the South Asia Terrorism Portal.

Deepak Kumar Nayak

Deepak Kumar Nayak is a research assistant at Institute for Conflict Management and is involved in research and documentation of Left Wing Extremism (LWE) and insurgency in Northeast of India.

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Maoist Threat Diminishing In Rajnandgaon, Chhattisgarh

Four ITBP battalions are currently deployed for anti-Maoist operations in Rajnandgaon, in addition to the regular security deployment.



On May 8, 2020, four Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) cadres and a Police Sub-Inspector (SI) were killed in an exchange of fire in a forested area near Pardhoni village under Manpur Police Station limits in Rajnandgaon District.

The four slain Maoists were identified as Ashok Rainu (35), a ‘divisional committee member (DCM) of the CPI-Maoist’sRajnandgaon-Kanker border division committee, carrying a reward of INR 800,000 on his head; Krishna Nareti (26), an ‘area committee member (ACM), carrying a reward of INR 500,000 on his head; and the two women cadres, identified as Savita Salame and Parmila, both members of the Local Organisation Squad (LOS), carrying rewards of INR 100,000 each on their heads. Security Force (SF) personnel recovered an AK-47 assault rifle, one Self Loading Rifle (SLR) and two .315 bore rifles from the encounter spot.

This was the first major success of the Security Forces (SFs) against the Maoists in the District since August 3, 2019, when seven CPI-Maoist cadres were killed in a gunfight with SFs in the forest near Sitagota village under Baghnadi Police Station limits in Rajnandgaon District.

The slain Maoists were identified as Sukhdev, ‘secretary’ of theDarekasa ‘area committee’ of the CPI-Maoist’s’Maharashtra-Madhya Pradesh-Chhattisgarh (MMC) zone’; Pramila, his wife and member of the Darekasa ‘area committee’; Seema, Meena and Ritesh, members of the same squad; and Lalitha and Shilpa, members of the ‘Vistaar (expansion) Platoon No 1’. It was the most successful operation by the SFs in terms of the number of fatalities on the rebel’s side since March 6, 2000.

SFs have succeeded in eliminating three or more Naxalites in Rajnandgaon on a total of five occasions, including the two mentioned above, since March 2000. The other three operations include:

  • May 29, 2018: A Special Police team killed three Maoists at Chandiya Dongari under Bortalav Police Station limits in Rajnandgaon District. The slain Maoists included Azad alias Gopal alias Sudarshan, a ‘deputy commander’ of the Darekasa ‘area committee’ of the CPI-Maoist ‘MMC zone’. Sudarshan a resident of Gondpipari town in Chandrapur District of Maharashtra carried a reward of INR 500,000 on his head. Police recovered one rifle, one pistol, ammunition, walkie-talkies, and other material from the encounter site.
  • October 25, 2017: Three Maoists were killed in an encounter with the SFs in the forest near Kopenkadka village under Khadgaon Police Station Limits in Rajnandgaon District. Those killed were identified as Mahesh, an ‘area committee member (ACM)’; Rakesh, ACM; Pallemadi ‘LOS commander’; and Ranjit, Pallemadi ‘LOS ‘deputy commander’. The trio hailed from the Bastar region of the State and were carrying rewards of INR 500,000, INR 500,000 and INR 300,000, respectively. Police recovered three automatic weapons – AK 47 rifle, one INSAS (Indian Small Arms System) assault rifle and one SLR – from the spot.
  • June 18, 2017: Three Maoist cadres, including two women, were killed in an encounter with SFs at Aundhi village in Manpur Tehsil in Rajnandgaon District. One of the women Maoists killed was identified as Sameela Potai, ‘secretary’ of the local ‘area committee’ who had been active in the region for over a decade and carried an award of INR 800,000. The other woman cadre, identified as Rammo, was a LOS member and carried a reward of INR 100,000. Three weapons – one SLR, one INSAS assault rifle and a .303 rifle were recovered from the encounter site.

All these operations took place during the last four years, beginning 2017.

The success of operations since 2017 has helped SFs consolidate their hold in the District. The SF:Maoist kill ratio since 2017 works out to 1:5.6, a clear indication of the dominance of the SFs on the ground.

Between 2001 and 2016, an adverse ratio of 11:1 prevailed against SFs, although this was principally due to a single particularly bad year, 2009, when 37 SFs lost their lives, while not a single Maoist was killed.

Successes of the recent years aside, Rajnandgaon is one among 27Districts where the overall kill ratio stands in favour of the Maoists, at 1.53:1.

There are 80 Districts across 10 States which have recorded fatalities in both Maoist and SF categories since March 6, 2000. Only 27 of these, spread across six States, have recorded a kill ratio that favours the Maoists.

Worryingly, Rajnandgaon is one among 48 Districts where the civilian fatalities outnumber Maoist fatalities, out of 99 Districts across 11 States which have recorded fatalities in both Maoist and civilian categories since March 6, 2000. ”

Rajnandgaon is also currently among the ’30 worst Maoist-affected’ Districts, across seven states in the country, according to the Union Ministry of Home Affairs (UMHA).

Furthermore, the District is among the 90 Districts in 11 States that are considered LWE affected, according to a Government release of February 5, 2019.

Rajnandgaon is also listed as one of the ‘Aspirational Districts’ included in the ‘Aspirational Districts Programme’, which focuses on five main themes – Health & Nutrition, Education, Agriculture & Water Resources, Financial Inclusion & Skill Development, and Basic Infrastructure – which have direct bearing on the quality of life and economic productivity of citizens in ‘underdeveloped’ pockets.

Rajnandgaon covers an area of 8,222 square kilometers, of which more than 11.90 per cent (around 978.87 square kilometres) is under forest cover. The District shares its borders with Kabirdham, earlier known as Kawardha in the north and Durg in the east, both in Chhattisgarh; Gadchiroli and Bhandara Districts in Maharashtra, and Balaghat in Madhya Pradesh, in the west; and Bastar in Chhattisgarh, in the south. All these Districts, with the exception of Durg and Bhandara, are LWE-affected.

The District’s strategic location makes it an ideal choice for Maoists to include it in their scheme of things. According to an August 12, 2019, report, following a decision taken in the ‘Central Regional Bureau (CRB)’ meeting in 2014, CPI-Maoist is trying to develop the ‘MMC zone’. Broadly, parts of Rajnandgaon, along with Kabirdham and Mungeli in Chhattisgarh;Balaghat, Mandala, Dindauri (Dindori) in Madhya Pradesh; and Gondia, Nagpur and Gadchiroli in Maharashtra, come under the ‘MMC Zone’.

The ‘MMC Zone’ is intended to be developed as an entity like the ‘Dandakaranya (DK) Special Zonal Committee (DKSZC)’ in Bastar, which is predominately tribal, forested and hilly, and consequently suitable for guerrilla warfare. Significantly, a 25-page-long Maoist document, retrieved by the Chhattisgarh Police in April 2017 had revealed the rebels’ plans about the ‘MMC zone’.

Evidently, the Maoists, who are facing severe reverses across the country, including in Chhattisgarh, are struggling to recover the few places where they retain some hold. This is where the ‘MMC zone’ fits in. Senior officers (names withheld) involved in counter-insurgency operations in Chhattisgarh believe there are about 180 armed Maoists now in the ‘Vistaar Dalam’ (expansion armed squad) of the ‘MMC zone’, who are trying to establish their grip in the ‘MMC zone’.

The ‘MMC zone’ is said to be a refuge for top Maoists of Bastar and other regions.

Revealing that the Maoists were also exploring the ‘urban support network’, Police arrested 12 ‘sympathisers’ for their alleged links with the CPI-Maoist, in Rajnandgaon District on May 14, 2020. The arrested persons were supplying materials for uniforms, shoes, wires, and walkie-talkie sets, besides cash, in lieu of being allowed to function as road contractors in the Bastar Division.

Earlier, an April 24, 2020, report, had given details about the Maoists ‘urban support network’, after Chhattisgarh Police arrested seven sympathisers from Rajnandgaon (three) and Kanker (four). The ‘sympathisers’ were allegedly transporting a huge consignment of shoes, fabric and walkie-talkie sets, meant for the Maoist rebels.

These disclosures confirm the residual threat of the Maoists in the District.

Meanwhile, Chhattisgarh Director General of Police (DGP), DM Awasthi, on February 1, 2020, asked officials to prepare a strategy for the succeeding five months and to conduct operations accordingly. DGP Awasthi later instructed the Inspector General of Police (IGP) and Superintendents of Police (SPs) from Rajnandgaon and Kawardha to chalk out a five-month strategy in advance for conducting anti-Naxal operation in their regions. He also told the Rajnandgaon Police to involve the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) and District Force in the anti-Naxal operations.

Four ITBP battalions are currently deployed for anti-Maoist operations in Rajnandgaon, in addition to the regular security deployment. Significantly, according to a May 5, 2020, report, the Centre has decided to deploy eight battalions (over 8,000 personnel) of ITBP in Chhattisgarh on a permanent basis from 2021, as a step towards uprooting the Maoists in the region. Over 3,000 ITBP personnel were first deployed in Rajnandgaon District in December 2009.

The Maoists continue to struggle to recover their erstwhile strongholds, including Rajnandgaon. The SFs need to sustain operational intensities to end any prospect of the rebels making a comeback in the District.

Disclaimer: The facts and opinions expressed in this article are strictly the personal opinions of the author. League of India does not assume any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, completeness, suitability, or validity of any information in this article.

Published with permission from South Asia Intelligence Review of the South Asia Terrorism Portal.

Deepak Kumar Nayak

Deepak Kumar Nayak is a research assistant at Institute for Conflict Management and is involved in research and documentation of Left Wing Extremism (LWE) and insurgency in Northeast of India.

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