Having cut his own nose to spite his face in 2009, Narendra Modi is now doing what lesser men do at such frustrating moments – bash up somebody / something else. Usually the punching bag is a weaker person or entity that cannot / does not hit back. So, because he dare not openly lambast the RSS stalwarts in Nagpur, Narendra bhai sulks by boycotting the BJP national executive meeting in Delhi, where leaders of lesser stature valiantly cover up for his absence by mumbling something about a navrata fast.
The reason for Narendra Modi’s anger is stark and simple, and difficult for a man of his colossal ego to digest – the RSS has decided it will NOT back him as BJP’s prime ministerial candidate whenever national elections are held.
And since Modi has done ZILCH for the Hindutva constituency in all the years since Godhra, he has no cards with which to force their hand in this matter. He is no V.S. Achuthanandan who can inspire the public pressure that can force the establishment to back track, and he has only himself to blame for it.
Worse, the RSS Dark Horse is visible in the wings – party president Nitin Gadkari, who has firmly nixed the candidatures of all wanna be PMs in the BJP.
The above statements require explanation.
From the time the Gujarat riots erupted in the wake of the massacre of Hindu pilgrims from Ayodhya at Godhra in February 2002, Narendra Modi became the prize hate of anti-Hindu activists the world over, and conversely, Hriday Samrat (king of hearts) of Hindus fed up of being at the receiving end of secular cant and the rising menace of jihad. Recall that then Modi was only a stop-gap CM installed to contain public ire against Keshubhai Patel’s inept handling of the Bhuj earthquake.
Narendra Modi became the Political Face of the riots because of spontaneous Hindu Self-Assertion. Many of us saw his rise as the return of the Kshatriya element in Indian polity. We hoped he would change the grammar of public discourse and make it difficult for political parties to misuse Hindu society and pander only to minority votebanks to come to power.
But Narendra Modi lacked the courage or the conviction to walk this path. Despite wholesome support from the state’s educated middle class, rich, poor and even tribals, he quietly abandoned the movement that could have legitimised the nation’s civilisational ethos as bedrock of our national life. This was quickly noticed by discerning observers (inc. the writer), but all warnings fell on deaf ears.
Modi came up with an alternate mantra – Development, FDI – and a noisy cheer group of Gujaratis-with-American-
As three successive victories boosted his self-confidence – he could win despite opposition from BJP, VHP and RSS leaders in the state – he never realised that he was simultaneously diminishing his stature in national politics. First, his development-as-progress mantra was picked up by others, causing him to lose his USP. Second, his over-emphasis on Gujarati asmita (honour) confined his stature to his home state.
Third, and most appropriate karmically, by denying a ticket to Haren Pandya in 2002, he showed himself as too petty to rise above differences. Though Modi could not realise it then, he nixed a popular leader who could take charge of the state in the event of his moving to the Centre. Pandya might not have been assassinated if he was still a minister, and though Modi was in no way responsible for the murder, his aura was much diminished by Pandya’s bitter father (now deceased) blaming him for it.
The final nail in the coffin of Narendra Modi’s prime ministerial ambitions came, ironically, with his recently concluded Sadbhavana Mission which was supposed to launch him into this stratosphere.
Sadbhavana: sad denouement
As the writer has stated previously, the fast was a success only as a political manoeuvre to outclass L.K. Advani’s obdurate bid to claim the slot of BJP-candidate-for-PM in the event of a mid-term poll. But it turned out to be unnecessary because RSS had already decided against Advani as candidate, and when he went to Nagpur to seek support for his corruption yatra, he was unceremoniously told not to even contest the next Lok Sabha election!
However, given the manner in which the Sadbhavana fast actually unfolded – and given the fact that RSS dark horse Gadkari burst on the national stage two years ago with a pledge to attract TEN PERCENT MUSLIM VOTES to the BJP – some points may be made briefly:
– The RSS will be making a big mistake if it does not realize that no amount of bonhomie with non-mainstream Muslim individuals or groups can yield Muslim votes for the BJP
– RSS must ask itself if seeking Muslim/minority votes is an admission of its failure to espouse Hindu causes honestly and sincerely
– RSS must explain why its so-called ideologues are adamantly opposed to the espousal of Hindu causes and virulently opposed to wooing Hindus as the core community of the nation
– Narendra Modi’s fast was a FAILURE because, despite the presence of men with skull caps, beards and clean-shaven upper lips, and women in burqas, there was NO presence of Sunni Muslims in the gathering, only Bohras and Sufis
– Sunni Muslim orthodoxy decides, whether one likes it or not, what Muslims will do. That is why Maulana Ghulam Mohammad Vastanvi of Gujarat lost his job as Vice Chancellor of Darul Uloom, Deoband. It is surely pertinent that the Maulana, despite believing that Modi had done much for the Muslims of Gujarat, stayed away from the fast venue
– Even Sufis have to conform to Sunni orthodoxy. The Maulana who seemingly innocently offered a skull cap to Modi – which is generally worn only at the time of namaaz – was mischievously making him an offer to convert to Islam (deen ki dawat). Modi had no choice but to refuse, but he cannot blame anyone else for the controversy that followed because he created that drama of artificial communal harmony
– This should come as a WARNING to the RSS against chasing minority votes to make up for deficiencies in the BJP vote share
– At a time of rising concern against home grown jihadi networks, pandering to overt Muslim sentiments at Batla House, Azamgarh, or Bharatpur, is a surefire recipe to drive Hindu voters away
– RSS must explain why the campaign against illegal Bangladeshis in north-eastern states, which yielded results in the form of a return of many illegals to Bangladesh, was called off abruptly
– RSS and BJP must admit that they have ditched the Hindu community by failing to espouse Hindu causes. Coming out with a law to punish cow slaughter after one decade of power in Gujarat, and wantonly destroying Hindu temples in state after state after making a plaything of the Ram temple in Ayodhya, will not impress
– RSS must openly tell people why it is not supporting Narendra Modi’s claim as PM-in-waiting. Is it only because of his colossal ego and refusal to listen to anyone in the Parivar or party, no matter what the issue, or it is because RSS has a better blueprint for the nation, which Modi is refusing to accept?
– In what way is Nitin Gadkari a better choice over Modi, and how is he going to be an asset to the Hindu community when he is so overtly in favour of getting Muslim votes?
2009: Modi dares not nix Advani
Two interrelated issues will surely haunt Narendra bhai to his dying day:
– failure to take a stand against Advani and the Delhi Coterie after the ignominious defeat of 2004, and thereby settle the issue of PM Candidate for 2009 in his favour
– failure to ensure the defeat of L.K. Advani in Gandhinagar constituency in 2009, and thus push him out of the reckoning while automatically elevating himself as BJP’s natural choice in the event of opportunity knocking at the door
Narendra Modi was explicitly advised by persons outside his coterie, well in advance of the 2009 elections, that the only way to get rid of the uncharismatic Advani was by ensuring that he did not win from Gandhinagar. He did not do so, not because he respected Advani but because he feared him, which seems to be the case with the rest of the party as well, for reasons unknown. As it turned out, in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, Narendra Modi raised the BJP tally in Gujarat from 14 seats in 2004 to a mere 15. Had he but found the nerve to lose Gandhinagar and concentrate on winning elsewhere, the party’s political trajectory could well have been different.
Now, he must gracefully accept that Time and Tide wait for no man. The BJP Gujarat tally in 2009 was widely perceived as a failure of the Strongman, across the political spectrum, even though he was not the BJP prime ministerial hopeful at the time. In 2011, he has no tangible political success under his belt to warrant the slot.
It remains to be seen how BJP fares under the leadership of Nitin Gadkari. At the recently concluded national executive meeting (Sept. 30 – Oct. 1), he made it clear that his position that Advani was not the BJP prime ministerial candidate was the final word on the matter. He did not need to say this for Narendra Modi; the latter had already played his cards very badly (discussed above), and had virtually clinched the issue by staying away from the meeting. Now, only a miracle can revive his candidature.
Narendra Modi probably missed his last chance at claiming national leadership when, this March, he squandered the opportunity to take Advani and the BJP parliamentary leadership to task for secretly agreeing to help the Congress to pass Budget 2011 on the last day of the first half of the budget session.
Instead of availing of the recess month to study the budget, which was scandalously pro certain business houses, and had nothing for the poor or the middle class, the BJP helped to pass the budget by voice vote and thus ensured the survival the lame duck UPA regime.
Narendra Modi proved unwilling to wound and afraid to strike. He has failed to seize many a moment; now RSS has decided to do without him. But RSS must know that the people regard minority-wooing parties as ‘dysfunctional’ as far as the national interest is concerned.
Now, as the monsoon session exposes fresh murky episodes on 2G that endanger the regime, the BJP is belatedly trying to put an act together. Yet in their recent joint press conference, both Sushma Swaraj and Arun Jaitley were at pains to point out that the government would fall only from the weight of its own contradictions and not because the BJP wanted it to!
Interestingly, the NDA has much in common with UPA-II. The BJP ministers of the NDA were always in some controversy, and were renowned for their ‘arrogance, smugness and intolerance’.
Where the NDA coalition differed was in maintaining the status of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee as someone above the fray. Despite his non-controversial nature and clean image, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has been denied this protection because of sniping by proxies of the Gandhi family, which had similarly made life difficult for his mentor P.V. Narasimha Rao. Dr Singh’s only hope of salvaging his honour is by bringing down the whole edifice of corruption and going for a mid-term poll.
Meanwhile, Hindu society desperately needs a leadership that can articulate Hindu political goals and save it from the predations of Mosque and Church and their powerful international mentors. We do not see any such formation on the horizon.
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this writing are solely of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of League of India, its Editorial Board or the business and socio-political interests that they might represent.
This article was first published on Vijayvaani website here
President Gives Nod to Ordinance for Death Penalty for Rapists of Children Below 12
There will also be no provision for anticipatory bail for a person accused of rape or gang rape of a girl under 16 years.
NEW DELHI: President ram Nath Kovind promulgated The Criminal Law amendment ordinance, 2018 to amend Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act to pave way for a death penalty to those found guilty of raping children up to the age of 12 years.
The President’s nod to the ordinance came after the Union Cabinet’s approval yesterday for tightening the law against people involved in rape, following public outcry over cases of sexual assault and murder of minors in Kathua and Surat and the rape of a girl in Unnao.
“Whereas Parliament is not in session and the President is satisfied that the circumstances exist which render it necessary for him to take immediate action.
Earlier, the Cabinet on Saturday approved the promulgation of an Ordinance to amend Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act 2012 to introduce the death penalty for rape of children younger than 12 years.
The decision was taken at a cabinet meeting chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi. In case of rape of a girl under 16 years, minimum punishment increased from 10 years to 20 years, extendable to life imprisonment.
Several political leaders cutting across party lines hailed Centre’s move.
“Now, therefore, in an exercise of the powers conferred by clause (1) of article 123 of the Constitution, the President is pleased to promulgate the following ordinance,” the gazette notification said.
The ordinance stipulates stringent punishment for perpetrators of rape, particularly of girls below 16 and 12 years.
The death sentence has been provided for rapists of girls under 12 years.
The minimum punishment in case of rape of women has been increased from the rigorous imprisonment of seven years to 10 years, extendable to life imprisonment.
According to the ordinance, in case of rape of a girl under 16 years, the minimum punishment has been increased from 10 years to 20 years, extendable to imprisonment for rest of life, which means jail term till the convicts “natural life”.
The punishment for gangrape of a girl below 16 years will invariably be imprisonment for the rest of life of the convict.
Stringent punishment for rape of a girl under 12 years has been provided with the minimum jail term being 20 years which may go up to life in prison or death sentence.
Gangrape of a girl under 12 years of age will invite punishment of jail term for the rest of life or death, it said.
The Indian Penal Code (IPC), the Evidence Act, the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) and the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act stand amended with the promulgation of the ordinance after the approval of the President.
The measure also provides for speedy investigation and trial.The time limit for investigation of all cases of rape has been prescribed, which has to be mandatorily completed within two months.
The deadline for the completion of a trial in all rape cases will be two months.
A six-month time limit for the disposal of appeals in rape cases has also been prescribed.
There will also be no provision for anticipatory bail for a person accused of rape or gang rape of a girl under 16 years.
It has also been prescribed that a court has to give notice of 15 days to a public prosecutor and the representative of the victim before deciding bail applications in case of rape of a girl under 16 years of age.
Enhancing the powers of the judiciary to provide stringent punishment in rape cases, the Union Cabinet had approved a number of measures, such as strengthening the prosecution, besides setting up new fast-track courts in consultation with the states and high courts concerned, according to an official.
The National Crime Records Bureau will maintain a national database and profile of sexual offenders.
This data will be regularly shared with the states and the Union territories for tracking, monitoring and investigation, including verification of antecedents of sex offenders by the police, the official said.
The present scheme of One Stop Centres for assistance to the victim will also be extended to all districts in the country.
In a Setback for Mamata, HC Directs State EC to Reschedule WB Panchayat Poll
The panchayat elections in West Bengal were earlier scheduled from May 1 to May 5 and the counting of votes was scheduled on 8 May.
KOLKATA (West Bengal): The Calcutta High Court has quashed the State Election Commission’s (SEC) order cancelling the notification for extension of the deadline for filing nomination for panchayat polls in West Bengal and directed it to allow nominations by issuing a fresh notification.
Justice Subrata Talukdar held that petitions, filed by the BJP, CPM and other Opposition parties, challenging the cancellation of notification are maintainable and asked the poll panel to issue fresh notification extending the date for filing nominations.
The court directed the commission to reschedule the dates for panchayat election process and accordingly conduct the polls.
The panchayat elections in West Bengal were to be held in three phases from 1 May to 5 May and the counting of votes was scheduled on 8 May.
The nomination process for the panchayat polls ended on 9 April, but it was extended by a day by the SEC the same evening following a Supreme Court court order on petitions alleging that candidates backed by Opposition parties were being prevented from filing nominations.
The West Bengal government and ruling Trinamool Congress had objected to the extension by the SEC, which had cited a Supreme Court direction to “allay apprehensions of intending candidates” in its notification extending the nomination process by a day.
The notification, which referred to the apex court order, was withdrawn by the SEC on 10 April morning.
The BJP again moved the Supreme Court on 11 April and was directed to approach the high court with its grievances over the deadline for filing nominations.
The BJP moved the high court challenging the withdrawal and Justice Talukdar stayed the election process on 12 April.
Apart from the BJP, the CPM, PDS and the Congress too have moved the high court separately challenging the SEC’s decision.
The Commission and the ruling Trinamool Congress opposed the petitions claiming that these were not maintainable since the election process had started.
Maneka Wants All Police Officers to be Re-Trained About Sexual Offences
NEW DELHI: In a letter addressed to Chief Ministers of all the States/UTs, Smt. Maneka Sanjay Gandhi, Union Minister for Women and Child Development has outlined various steps to be taken by the States/UTs in preventing and curbing the crimes against women and children. Some of the steps mentioned in the letter are:
- All police officers should be re-trained on various aspects of sexual offences particularly those related to collection and preservation of evidence.
- Instructions may be issued to all police officers that utmost priority is to be given to complete the investigation of cases of sexual offences against children strictly as per the timelines of Law.
- State Governments must take strict action against those police officers who are found to be obstructing the investigation or colluding with the perpetrators of such cases.
- A quick and timely professional investigation is the only method in which a potential offender can be deterred but this can be done only by the states as the police department is the state subject. Forming a special cell only for sexual offences or especially for sexual offences on children would be a significant step in this regard.
The Women and Child Development Minister offered help to State Governments in establishing Forensic Laboratories in states which can be used for forensic analysis of evidence in the investigation of sexual offences.
The WCD Minister has requested the states to generate awareness among the children in using the e-box set up under POCSO with child-help line number 1098.
The Minister also highlighted that till date 175 One-stop centres for women affected by violence have been set up by the Ministry of Women and Child Development.
One Stop Centres are to help those women who have no access to either police or medical facilities or are not able to visit a police station in times of distress.
The letter also stressed that Section 21 of the POCSO Act may be invoked in all cases wherever failure to report or record is noted. Section 21 states that any officer who fails to report or record the commission of an offence under section 19/20 of the Act is liable for punishment.
The WCD Minister called for suggestions from the state Governments on dealing with the crimes against women and children.
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